Can Elizabeth May Defeat Gary Lunn?
Friday August 14th 2009, 9:46 am
Filed under: - Green Party, Canadian Politics

Just a follow-up to yesterday’s post on whether Saanich-Gulf Islands is the best choice for Elizabeth May.

The 2008 race in Saanich, of course, was complicated by the fact that NDP candidate Julian West dropped out due to controversy (but too late to remove his name from the ballot). So Dippers voted in large numbers for Liberal Briony Penn. Greens also voted in large numbers for Penn, both because it was clear once West dropped out that Penn was the main challenger, but also because Penn herself was a former Green with a following, and probably in part due to the Liberal/Green (Dion/May) agreement and May’s comments that appeared to support strategic voting. Due to these many factors, it’s clear that the 2008 results were heavily skewed toward Penn and the Liberals in a way they would not be under normal circumstances. And, of course, despite all the stars seemingly aligned for Penn, CPC incumbent Gary Lunn still won by 4 points.

What’s important to note is that so go the Conservatives in B.C., so goes Lunn — that his results are typically on par with the general trend in B.C. — 2004 (36.2% CPC vs 34.6% Lunn), 2006 (37.3% CPC vs 37.2% Lunn), 2008 (44.4% CPC vs 43.4% Lunn). Typically, in Saanich, the NDP and Liberals are a couple points below their provincial average (for example, in 2006, 27.6% LIB vs 26.1% Saanich and 28.5% NDP vs 26.5% Saanich), while we might expect the Greens to almost double their provincial average (for example, in 2006, 5.3% GPC vs 9.9% Saanich). This trend is also observed in 2004, although it was slightly more skewed for the Greens since they ran a fully-funded campaign for the first time in the history of the party — we might have expected the Greens to win around 12-13% based on party support at the time but they won almost 17%; as a result, Lunn and the Liberals each won about 1% less than might otherwise be expected and the NDP about 3% less (which shows that the Greens draw from all 3 parties, but the NDP most heavily).

Here is a comparison of recent results, plus my adjusted (projected) had things followed the typical pattern, as well as current projections, both on a typical basis and making adjustments for May to give a best-case scenario.

CPC LIB NDP GPC
2004 election 22,050 (35%) 17,082 (27%) 13,763 (22%) 10,667 (17%)
2006 election 24,416 (37%) 17,144 (26%) 17,455 (27%) 6,533 (10%)
2008 election (actual) 27,988 (43%) 25,367 (39%) 3,667 (6%) 6,732 (10%)
2008 election (adjusted) 27,133 (42%) 11,085 (17%) 14,887 (23%) 10,698 (17%)
current projection (typical) 24,050 (37%) 14,300 (22%) 14,300 (22%) 11,700 (18%)
current projection (best case) 23,400 (36%) 13,000 (20%) 11,050 (17%) 16,900 (26%)

Lunn won about 800-900 more votes than we might otherwise expect (no doubt NDPers or Greens who shifted, but towards Lunn not Penn). Another 1,300 or so voters stayed home (probably mostly NDPers, since their candidate dropped out). So we might reasonably estimate that roughly 10,000 NDPers and 4,000 Greens voted for Penn. This is of course speculative and could be verified with detailed polling but are reasonable assumptions. So we might expect that that the Greens would have received 16-17% (similar to 2004) under normal circumstances.

So what’s the current situation? An aggregate of recent polling data shows roughly the following in B.C.: CPC 35.7%, LIB 28.3%, NDP 22.3%, GPC 12.9%. Of course, we need to make some minor adjustments to this based on the differences we typically see between polling and voting patterns (this reflects the strength of GOTV operations, tendencies of some demographics to vote more than others, strategic voting, last-minute shifts, etc). Using the same methodology, here’s a comparison of the final aggregate polling averages vs. actual results: for 2008 — polling 38.4% CPC vs. 44.4% actual (+6.1); polling 23.3% LIB vs 19.3% actual (-4.0); polling 25.3% NDP vs 26.1% actual (+0.8); polling 11.9 GPC vs. 9.4% actual (-2.5), and for 2006 — polling 36.4% CPC vs 37.3% (+0.9); polling 30.3% LIB vs. 27.6% actual (-2.7); polling 26.7% NDP vs. 28.5% actual (+1.8); 6.0% GPC vs. 5.3% actual (-0.7). No doubt 2008 was a bit more favourable for the CPC than normal and that the 2006 shifts are probably more in line with expectations, but the recent pattern is clear: the CPC goes up at the expense of the LIBs and the NDP goes at the expense of the GPC. So making adjustments, we might estimate current support in B.C. at: CPC 38.7%, LIB 25.3%, NDP 24.8%, GPC 10.4%.

Using this estimate and running the projection, we might estimate current support in Saanich at: CPC 37%, LIB 22%, NDP 22%, GPC 18%. So the Greens with a typical candidate might need to close a gap of about 12,500 or so votes.

But we should expect May to deliver personal votes. A reasonable comparison might be to look at what Ed Broadbent did in Ottawa Centre in 2004 — he delivered a 8% premium above and beyond what we might otherwise have expected using standard projections. While a candidate can deliver a much higher premium in a by-election (as May did in London North Centre), since the government is not on the line and more votes are personal votes, but not in a general election. So if we give May the benefit of the doubt that she can draw as many personal votes in Saanich as Broadbent did in Ottawa Centre, then May could deliver an 8-point bump of personal votes. This also includes the benefit of spending to the maximum.

The Greens tend to draw more heavily from the NDP, and very little from the CPC (this was confirmed by an analysis I had commissioned when I was GPC National Campaign Chair). So we might estimate an 8-point bump for May would result in a 5-point drop for the NDP, 2-point drop for the Liberals and 1-point drop for the CPC. Again, detailed polling can give us precise numbers for Saanich, but this is a reasonable estimate. So, the current absolute best case scenario for the Greens, assuming a fully-funded campaign and May able to deliver personal votes is: CPC 36%, GPC 26%, LIB 20%, NDP 17%. Not bad, but even under a best-case scenario, there is still a gap of about 6,500 votes. And typically, Green support drops as election day approaches, so baseline Green support here is probably over-estimated. To close the gap will require an strong local operation, that hits the ground running, and builds upon work already done. Unfortunately, as I previously mentioned, the Greens currently don’t have a robust ground operation in Saanich and haven’t extensively canvassed the riding (unlike Guelph).

The above is, of course, speculative with plenty of assumptions, but it gives you a pretty good idea of where the Greens stand in Saanich-Gulf Islands and the magnitude of the challenge ahead if they hope to unseat Gary Lunn.

Update: respected University of Victoria political scientist Richard Pilon tells the Tyee: “I’m not sure that Saanich-Gulf Islands is the best choice for Elizabeth May.”


7 Comments/commentaires
Leave a comment/Enregistrer un commentaire

Interesting analysis, Greg. I think that there are a couple of qualitative factors that need to be mixed into such an analysis. The rather large impact of these qualitative factors significantly undermines a mathematical projection.

First, SGI has a history of strategic voting, that is, many voters in the LIB/NDP/GREEN parties will look to see who is likely to be number 2, and swing their vote to that candidate. As you noted in your analysis, Penny benefited from that swing in the last election and you corrected for that. However, the amount of that swing is uncertain, and the amount of additional loss to Liberal party if another candidate was the perceived leader is not considered in your analysis.

Second, you have quoted polling which suggests that the vote attrition from the Conservative party is minor. While I have no doubt that your study indicated this outcome, it is certainly at odds with the London North Centre outcome, and with historical studies that have been done which suggest that equal numbers migrate to the Greens from teh Conservatives, Liberals and NDP.

Finally, I believe that your estimate of Elizabeth’s “personal votes” is less than half of what we have seen, first in LNC, and lately in Central Nova. While CN was affected by the absence of a Liberal candidate, it is also clear that a lot of Liberals simply didn’t vote.

In short, I don’t think that a regular kind of projection is going to give us anything close to a reliable result. Please note that I say this while acknowledging the amazing job you do with your projection model, and the great results you have achieved with it. I just think that if EM ends up in SGI, it will too wild a ride to predict.

Comment/commentaire by Jim Johnston 08.14.09 @ 2:48 pm

A further point you might wish to note is this statement from Briony Penn in Wednesday’s Times Colonist:
“Penn said she would “dearly love” to see May in Parliament, but since March she’s been backing Liberal nomination candidate Renee Hetherington in Saanich-Gulf Islands.”

Doesn’t look like May can expect much help from Penn.

Comment/commentaire by jad 08.14.09 @ 5:26 pm

@Jim – I’m not sure I would agree there is a history of strategic voting in Saanich; Greens did last time b/c Penn was a former Green and NDPers did last time b/c their candidate dropped out. But otherwise, there is no history of it.

The Greens do draw from all 3 parties, but by far more heavily from the NDP, then the Liberals and only a very small amount from the CPC. That’s solidly backed up by recent internal data I have. If you have something concrete to refute that in LNC, feel free to post it.

You either missed or disagreed with what I said about by-elections: “while a candidate can deliver a much higher premium in a by-election (as May did in London North Centre), since the government is not on the line and more votes are personal votes, but not in a general election”. LNC was a by-election. And as you note, there was no Liberal candidate in CN.

I projected 33-36% for May in Central Nova in 2008 and she got 32.2%. So if anything, I slightly overestimated the number of personal votes she would get. People said that CN would be too wild to predict, but my range was pretty much what she got.

Comment/commentaire by democraticspace 08.14.09 @ 8:16 pm

The amount of bump in votes that May delivered in Central Nova [and in LNC] keeps getting used as a benchmark.

This overlooks the importance of the categorically different ‘base credibility’ of the Green brand in Nova Scotia versus BC [or Southern Ontario].

May came into a situation where the Green brand is a fringe phenomena. So you insert her media presence and credibility into that and of course you are going to get a much bigger bump, then you would in BC [or Ontario] where the GPC already has a significant core of voters and leaners.

In Nova Scotia May could cream some of those same demogaphic, lifestyle, and ideological ‘types’ who vote or lean Green in BC, but who in Nova Scotia had simply never had reason to consider the possibility.

Comment/commentaire by Ken Summers 08.15.09 @ 6:45 am

It`s a shame that all the GOTV data was `lost`in LNC by-election. It had been very carefully prepared in order to abstract quantitative data on many of these questions. My brother and I had prepared random samples of ID`d GPC voters, which I supplemented with data from èxternal`sources. Then we split control groups out of the population. I thought I`d died and gone to heaven when I realised that we had the volunteer resources to scrutineer the majority of the polls, and thus put a name to every voter who turned out. That`s why we rented the scanner, and bar-coded everything, so we would have clean datasets to work with for future research. That is why I was so upset when the scrutineers records were largely destroyed without scanning the data. All that we did was for nothing, and we`re paying a price to this day.

Comment/commentaire by Bluegreenblogger 08.16.09 @ 10:11 am

Great analysis! The challenge for the Greens is that the only way they can win in this riding is if they take a large chunk of Conservative support and that seems very unlikely.

If the Liberals and NDP were to both put up terrible candidates and disorganized campaigns, it seems unlikely that they’d together pull less than 25% or even 30% of the vote (heck, 6% still voted NDP even when the party no longer had a candidate). That leaves at most 75% up for grabs between other parties and Lunn would have to get 37% or less (similar to what you project in your best case, Greg) for May to win. That’s likely only if the Conservatives fall apart during a campaign or if someone other than Lunn stood as the Tory candidate — both unlikely scenarios.

In other words, the Green Party would need a perfect storm of running their own beautiful, high-profile, well-organized campaign (bringing in a strong pro-green voter turnout and securing party switchers) while seeing all three of their main competitors run their campaigns into the ground.

Comment/commentaire by Prairie Topiary 08.16.09 @ 2:49 pm

Great analysis Greg. This post inspired me to do an analysis of my own on this subject. After running two projection simulations, I came up with a different conclusion than you did. I concluded that Elizabeth May does have a decent chance of winning. I think your analysis is also strong, so it’ll be interesting to see on election night who was right.

Comment/commentaire by Paul 09.02.09 @ 2:35 pm



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